INEE listserve Consultations
Responses to INEE Listserve Questions
The Working Group on Minimum Standards for Education in Emergencies (WGMSEE) has developed relevant questions for the INEE list-serve members to gain initial feedback, drawing on member perspectives and first-hand experience. This is an essential component in the process to develop minimum standards to serve as a platform for defining good practice. These questions aim to stimulate discussion and interest in the development of standards, invite active participation in the standards process, and promote further involvement at the field level. The responses have been cataloged and re-posted over INEE listserve. They are pasted below for your use as a reference guide.
Question 1: Teacher/Student Ratio Responses
In emergency situations, there is usually a shortage of teachers. What teacher/student ratio should the standards aim for?
At IRC in Guinea, we had the standard of 1 teacher to 40 pupils. I still feel this is too high. And as a former teacher I have found that a class size of 25 was the limit, anything beyond that made teaching feel more like you were focused on classroom management rather than child-centered approaches. But to be realistic I think the 1:40 ratio is probably more in line with the emergency situation. I would recommend though that for any grouping of children more than 25 that an assistant be suggested. This might include a parent, community member, older student or even formal classroom assistant.
-Dean Brooks, UNHCR Education Consultant, Nairobi, Kenya
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In emergency situations the standard base levels do not apply. However to avail sound enrolment the teacher/ student ratio should be 45. The maximum should be 50 students. This has an impact on the size of classroom that accommodates the size of the students.
- Christopher Nkwezi, Southern Africa Extension Unit and Maria Maas, CARE Netherland
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The teacher student ratio should not be more than 1:60 i.e. one teacher for 60 students. Thanks
- Mohiuddin
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- Kindergarten: 30 to 1
- Recreation-only activities (as very first step): up to 100 to 1
- Primary, middle, secondary: 60 to 1 in early days, aiming for 45 to 1 later
- Experiment, 'discovery' etc : 30 to 1
I recommend however in first days that team teaching be tried, for example there could be 3 teachers to 150 pupils, occupying them in various different ways.
-Barry Sesnan
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I would suggest 1:40.
-Helen Stannard, Thailand
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I'd go for 40 per class as the STANDARD.
- Dr. Anna P. Obura
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Norwegian Refugee Council in Sierra Leone is using max 40 students per teacher when establishing classes for the Rapid Response Education Program a three years compressed primary education for overaged children.
- Mette Nordstrand, NRC-SL
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Some observations on the issue of the teacher/student ratio
Class size:
What we are really concerned about is to avoid large classes, i.e., to define a limit to class size. This is different from the teacher/student ratio if there are multiple shifts and the same teacher teaches two shifts; if there is 'subject teaching', whereby teachers spend quite a bit of time in the staff room, and class sizes are a lot bigger than the student/teacher ratio; or if there are large differences in staffing levels between favoured and unfavoured locations e.g., urban/rural.
In some emergency situations, the situation is quite complicated, with some schools running one shift, and some running two. In this case, the student/teacher ratio gives no idea of class size.
Another point is that in some countries, even primary schools use the 'class teacher approach' while in others they use the subject teacher approach (meaning that the same student/teacher ratio would represent different class sizes under these conditions). Therefore, in terms of measurement and indicators, one can usefully monitor ACTUAL CLASS SIZE during field visits and evaluations, rather than relying only on student/teacher ratios to tell what is happening. It is not very practical, however, to use class size as an indicator for system-wide data processing.
Anecdote: I visited a very large group of students, and was told it was not large class, but a group of several 'classes' who happened to be studying ith the same teacher due to logistical or staffing problems.
Shortage of teachers
There is not really a shortage of teachers but sometimes a shortage of experienced teachers (and often a shortage of well trained teachers due to lack of adequate training in the country of origin). What is needed is enough funding to hire enough teachers and enough (funds for) in-service training and on the job training/mentoring to allow these teachers to do a good job.
Length of the school day
I had discussions with a project manager in a location where teachers taught two consecutive shifts. The idea of a minimum of 4 hours of teaching for each shift was considered inhumane because it would be too much strain on the teachers. Yet, from the UNHCR side, we were advocating a minimum of 4 hours per day for classes 1-3 or 1-4, and 6 hours per day for higher grades, if I recollect. This leads to the policy issue: Having separate teachers for each shift. Donors should be willing to pay for separate teachers for each shift, so that shifts can be long enough to meet educational requirements. (At least this should be the case for upper primary and secondary levels.)
Total number of study hours per year
A related topic to consider is whether to have standards for the minimum number of STUDY HOURS PER YEAR. There are a lot of days missed in refugee-type schools, and short school hours, yet conventional holidays are ten observed.
- Margaret Sinclair, Education in Emergencies Consultant
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Personally, I think there is no easy answer to this. It is not just a matter of a shortage of teachers. In some cultural contexts, there may be gender restrictions and requirements which result in an imbalance at the student:teacher ratio level. For example, girls may require female teachers in some conservative Muslim contexts and yet female teachers just don't exist. Alternatively, implementing agencies may be using untrained teachers in which case the lower the ratio, the better. Finally, community demand for learning may far exceed our ability to find teachers of any gender.
In a general sense, I feel that a reasonable ratio is 30:1 in a formal setting. Being able to go up to 35:1 at some of the higher grades might be possible but anything higher would stretch the students' & teachers' patience and severely effect learning. In an informal setting 15:1 and no more than 20:1.
These are fairly standard ratios, but I don't see any reason why the emergency field shouldn't strive to reach these goals just because the environment is more challenging isn't an excuse to compromise on quality. But as I said above, my own preference would change depending on understanding the real constraints of the situation. The key to implementing emergency education well, in my opinion, is flexibility.
-Julia Dicum - Doctoral Candidate - University of Toronto
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I had the experience in Zambia where the enrollment in one grade was about 70 children. So, I prefer less children in one class, especially in schools plenty of traumatized children. The less they are the more you can help them. The enrolment of one class should not exceed 20 pupils, because in most of the cases those children must be treated individual because of their different reactions on the traumatic situations. You can improve your classroom conditions by reducing the pupil/teacher ratio but a more efficient strategy for educational development is to emphasize continued expansion of coverage.
By keeping the enrolment low :
You have more time to spend with the children.
You can help promote tolerance among pupils (refugee or not).
You can put the children on the track of peace in a peaceful environment.
You can harmonize the education efforts.
- Peter Merckx, Education advisor
Online Consultation Question 2:
Some planners believe that girls and boys have different constraints to accessing education. Is it necessary for education programmes to address barriers that prevent girls from attending school?
As expected, the response to the second on-line consultation question of whether education programs in times of crisis should address the barriers that prevent girls from attending school was a definitive "yes." In addition, the responders, representing a diverse array of regions and programs, added strong arguments for including special initiatives to address the girls' enrollment and achievement rates, important analysis of the reasons for the imbalance, and solutions for addressing gender inequity in education in emergencies initiatives. A couple responses pointed out that education programs in times of crisis or post-crisis are good moments to introduce reforms that address the gender imbalance.
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Yes! In societies that are experiencing some form of transition (from conflict to post-conflict), local people are naturally interested in the reforms that will take place in their communities. They open themselves to new ideas more so than before since "the time for change" remains the general theme in the re-constructing of the society. While reforms would be taking place in other sectors (i.e.: gender issues in economy, health, etc.), it would be responsible to examine gender issues in education alongside, since everything intersects into each other. (i.e.: the involvement of girls accessing education could later improve economic and social conditions for women). Essentially, capturing the opportunities when people are most ready to accept change remains pivotal towards important issues as girls accessing education.
-Robert Mizzi, Kosovo Educator Development Project
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Absolutely! Especially in Africa where constraints range from cultural attitudes that dictate that girls stay at home to do household chores to more larger policy issues that show a lack of commitment to funding and proper programming of girls education and education as a whole.
Teacher training and employment, the lack of female teachers for role models, security and protection of girls on the way to school and at school are all issues that affect learners, but more particularly girls.
The school environment must be made girl friendly, this includes the sitting arrangements in class and toilet facilities. Sports and other co-curricula activities must be planned in a manner that is sensitive to the girls, especially as they grow older and need to build their confidence.
Male teachers and boys should also be made aware in order to better support girls and work on how activities can be done together with appropriate resources and guidance.
-Caroline Mbugua, Windle Trust, Kakuma Refugee Camp
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There are some general barricades in the way of access to education like the non-availability of schools, supplies, trained teachers, etc. These things affect both girls and boys equally. But without doubt there are some very specific constraints that directly affect girls and there severity differs from country to country, community to community and culture to culture.
Taking into consideration the Afghan situation the following are some of the barriers to girls' education:
*Rural communities' perception about girls' education: Usually there is scepticism about girls' modern and secular education, which has its roots in culture, misinterpretation of religion and politicisation of education in the recent past;
*Prevailing socio-economic system: Afghanistan has an agriculture-based economy and tribalism is the dominant social system. There are usually inter and intra-tribal disputes and people and communities often take the law into their own hands. This situation has been further exacerbated in the last two decades due to the collapse of government or the existence of a weak central government. Girls and women can contribute little in a society with these characteristics. Additionally, communities are poor and have very meagre resources, so girls' education is not their priority. If they invest in education, they do it only for boys.
*Girls' mobility and visibility: Mobility and visibility are among the basic problems confronting girls' education and women's development. Therefore, proximity of the school plays a role meaning that communities are generally not willing to send their daughters long distances;
*Co-education and mixed classes: Usually communities prefer separate girls' schools or separate classes. Particularly when girls reach the age of 9 (grade-3). So where separate school or separate classes are not available, girls' education is hindered;
*Availability of female teachers: Communities prefer female teachers to teach their daughters, particularly older girls. In addition, there is a severe shortage of female teachers, especially in rural areas;
*Policy: At the policy level, there are no special concessions or privileges for educated girls and women, which would attract more girls, families and communities to invest in girls' education.
If planners don't consider these issues, certainly the result will not be that much desirable.
-Farooq, CARE Afghanistan , Education Program Manager
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It is vitally important that education programmes address obstacles to access for girls AND boys. However, this is not just the old "What about the boys?" question. It is clear that, in general, girls encounter more obstacles to access than boys, and therefore often warrant more programme attention. But a gender analysis that focuses only on girls in not a gender analysis. A proper analysis requires an understanding of which obstacles affect girls and boys equally, which affect them in differing ways and to different degrees, and which obstacles are unique to each gender. An analysis of obstacles that do not have this gender dimension will miss some of the most critical dynamics that affect attendance.
An analysis that looks only at girls will be looking at only part of the problem. This does not mean that all programmes should address all obstacles. It does mean that an intervention that targets poor urban girls (or boys) must be based on a full understanding of the dynamics of exclusion. Understanding the obstacles to access is not enough.
Obstacles to learning are equally important. Programmes should understand what factors are responsible for girls (or boys) performing better (or worse) when they get into school. As with the obstacles to access, these have origins in families, in cultural milieu, in social structures, in schools and in classrooms.
- Peter Buckland, Senior Education Specialist, World Bank
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Yes, it is important to address barriers to girl-child education .
Here are some of the expriences from the education program for Somali refugees in Daadab,Kenya where the general enrollment in basic primary education is 23,000 pupils. Girls constitute 39% (9,000) of the enrolled pupils in refugee primary schools.
The factors listed below are some of the real barriers that prevent girls from attending refugee schools and which the organization is continously addressing.
1.Cultural barriers: In the Somali community preference is given to boys. After all, many parents believe that girls have to get married as early as 14-15 yrs. and that their education will have to be stopped once a husband-to-be, has been identified. This leads to early marriages and even at times forced marriages.
2. Religious obligation: religous education is the first choice of education for all Somali children, compared to secular education. Even in the Islamic schools more boys are enrolled.
3. Again, due to cultural and religious beliefs, Somali parents prefer single sex schools, compared to mixed sex schools, i.e., if they had a choice
4. Cost of school/poverty at the household level: boys get the first chance to education. Assumption: Girls need more personal items than boys.
5. Some parents would also engage their daughters in small scale income generating activities for the survival of the family.
6. Safety and security: Fear of rape or defilement are a real threat in refugee camps. In the Somali culture, purity is lost once if a girl has been raped and is known by the rest of the community members, she may never have a chance to get married in future.
7. Traditional roles of the Somali girl: work burden for girls is high. There is little time for school and school work: Girls will have to fetch water, firewood, do leaning, cooking,assuming the role of the mother/guardian, during their absence or sickness, babysitting etc.
8. Disabilities:the combination of been disabled and a girl reduces further, their chances of getting education.
9. Low literacy level. Illiteracy rate is high among the majority of the Somali refugee population in Daadab camps. Many parents do not know the importance of girls' education.
Its also important to look at the entire in-school factors which are common to girl-child education in many emergency education programs e.g insufficient and separate latrines for boys and girls, fewer female teachers, lack of guidance and couselling services, negative perecption of girls learning outcomes, gender-insensitive learning materials and presence of over-age learners in schools.
-Ibrahim Hassan Ahmed, CARE Refugee Assistance Project, Daadab, Kenya
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Yes, it is necessary to include interventions/measures that will help overcome the barriers that prevent girls from attending schools.
-Mohiuddin
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I think we respond to this on two levels when we organise education:
1) The administrative arrangements
2) The content of the curriculum
Administratively, a school or an authority can help a lot. They should undertake:
*A study of the school hours that show that girls are disadvantaged because of requirements, for instance, to collect water in the morning. Or, a zigzag system in double shift may accidentally cause havoc to a girls' education (or to that of older boys who work). It might be better to close the school on market day and open on Saturday (for instance) if girls normally go to the market (this can apply to boys as well of course).
*A study of girls' absence may show that they are disadvantaged by some rules about attendance. They may be forced to repeat, and, as a study in Senegal showed, they may gain nothing at all from this. Simply allowing girls to take a whole year off officially - with no penalty - may allow the parents to make a decision about infant care or about looking after a sick person. The parents can then be obliged as part of a 'deal' to have the girl attend full time the next year.
*Arranging for girls to be escorted to school by parents can help in some contexts.
*A review of other barriers, such as rules on dress, arrangements of toilets, and arrangements to ensure that girls entering puberty are not badly treated by teachers or boys. All of this should be reflected in teacher and director training.
As far as curriculum goes, I am doubtful about whether in any short, emergency term that the content of lessons has much to do with attendance. Quite often, as we all know, the content of the teaching is dreadful, but no one considers stopping attendance.
People who say school is not much use are usually making a simple equation based on time lost from other activities.
- Barry Sesnan
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The short answer to this question is: yes, we need to have proactive programmes to address girls' barriers, especially in cultural situations where girls are significantly challenged from attending school extraneous to the emergency nature of the situation.
And although the question does not ask it, we also need to identify and address the barriers affecting boys' access to education. For example, in my field experience girls faced serious challenges in access to education, and we were taking proactive steps to address these issues. However, other groups did not get as much (donor or implementing agency)attention including: ethnic/linguistic minority groups within refugee camps, all male & female adolescents, and working children (esp. boys).
- Julia Dicum, University of Toronto
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Absolutely. Given any cultural, religious, economic and social backgrounds, it is essential that education planners and policy makers envisage the removal of sexual barriers in education, if EFA programs are to succeed.
It is still known that of all categories of those young people with special educational needs in Rwanda (10-12 %), more than 2/3 are girls who do not go to school because of the general cultural attitudes and the subsistence economy that is still heavily reliant on women's participation in domestic cores.
Adaptation of the curriculum and educational policies and practices to include them is very essential.
-Evariste Karangwa , Department of special Needs Education In Kigali Institute of Education
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In most African countries whether it is an emergency situation or not, the girl child has always been disadvantaged compared to the boy child. It is worse even in situations of emergencies as the girls are expected to help their families search for meagre resources. For example, in the camps, girls have either to queue up the whole day waiting for relief food, look for firewood, fetch water and do other domestic chores while the boys are busy at school. Some cultures do no allow the girl child to go to school as she is considered a source of wealth to the family. Further, others feel that if girls are sent to school, they will become prostitutes.
The parents also want to make sure that girls are well trained in domestic work so that they do not bring shame to the family when they are married. Even if the girls are allowed to go to school, there is tendency for them to be late because of the domestic chores they have to do before school. In school, the girls feel tired and hence their concentration is poor which leads to poor performance. As a result, some parents feel it is a waste of time sending girls to school. In many cases they are withdrawn and married off or retained at home to help the family until she becomes of age to be married. The dowry obtained will be used for educating the brothers or marrying another wife.
With the above-mentioned problems, I feel it is an obligation for education programmes in emergencies to address some of the barriers in order to provide for equality in education, as all children have a right to education. Some of the suggested ways of reducing the barriers are as follows:
* Organise campaigns for sensitisation of communities on the importance of educating both girls and boys;
* Organise training workshops on gender;
* Reduce the household work for girls and women so they can attend school or adult education classes;
*Give them more time for themselves by sinking enough bore holes, providing firewood, improving food distribution so that food is distributed within the shortest time possible, e.g. 2hours;
*Initiate self-reliance activities; and,
*Share domestic work in the families.
I know this requires a lot of resources, which the education programmes may not have but it is worth giving it a try.
Joyce Taban, Windle Trust Kenya
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Pardon me to use this statistics:
Class 1 -Boys 1360; Girls 1043
Class 2 -Boys 792; Girls 454
Class 3 -Boys 538: Girls 299
Class 4 -Boys 320: Girls 163
Class 5 -Boys 217: Girls 95
Class 6 -Boys 206: Girls 62
JSS 1 -Boys 343: Girls 82
JSS 2 -Boys 198: Girls 43
JSS 3 -Boys 150: Girls 50
SSS 1 -Boys 77: Girls 14
SSS 2 -Boys 29: Girls 3
SSS 3 -Boys 19: Girls 2
(JSS stand for Junior Secondary School equivalent to Junior High School and SSS stand for Senior Secondary School equivalent to Senior High School; Source: Statistics for April 2003 from fifteen schools in one area.)
Let us leave the problem of general attrition alone for a while and just pick two prominent classes, class - 1 and SSS - 3. Using the statistics as an example of a common problem, in class 1 we have 57% male and 43% female pupils in school. In SSS 3, we have 90% male and 10% female in school. These same statistics indicate that in this particular area, whilst 1.5% of the male population presumably reach SSS-3, 0.19% of female population starting school will do the same trip.
What can we do to make the situation more equal? The first question will be why the difference? To know the reason then, suggests that we have to plan and address this issue of girls not going to school or dropping out. I think setting up education programs with components to address barriers that prevent girls from attending school will make a lot of difference.
-David A. Walker, IRC- Sierra Leone
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In my opinion there are already enough barriers for girls from attending school. The problem is deeper in education in emergency situations where it is the task of the government to receive refugees with the most care especially for girls whom are the most vulnerable. Being traumatised and being excluded from school because you are pregnant, because you are girl, is killing a whole generation. It is the task of the education system and the school to address the community that girls education is needed and that not any barrier should keep them away from school.
School teachers in Zambia claim that girls are not motivated to learn as boys and girls tend to be more shy and silent in class. Long distances between homes and schools, and the shortage of proper sanitation for girls could be major factors that affect the supply side. In addition sexual harassment by older boys and male teachers seems to be serious in some schools.
*At the individual level, the biggest reason for girls to drop out of school is failure to pass exams and be promoted to the next grade.
* At the family level, parents tend to view boys education as ultimately more cost effective, since girls usually join their husband's household upon marriage, leaving their own homes.
* At the community level, initiation ceremonies, into womanhood are significant events for almost all girls in Zambia. It becomes awkward and difficult for girls to catch up with her friends when they return to schools after the ceremony. Girls are usually taught to be subservient to their husbands and to happily accept their subordinate status. Girls, after initiation, tend to be interested in boyfriends and sexual relationships rather than school studies. Pregnancy and early marriage are the second most common reasons why girls leave school. In Zambian culture, pregnancy and child bearing are regarded as the ultimate fulfilment of womanhood, particularly when accompanied by marriage. Stereotyped gender roles have been strongly maintained.
I think an emergency education situation can open the eyes of teachers and education policy makers that boys and girls living in the same poor conditions have to throw their stereotyped roles overboard and think about the future with gender and equality.
- Peter Merckx, Education Advisor
Question 3: School feeding has been initiated in some locations to increase school enrolment, especially of girls. Does it work?
Below are the responses to the 3rd Minimum Standards Online Consultation question regarding school feeding programs. Most respondents believe that school feeding programs do increase enrollment, especially for girls. But, there are many cautions and questions that a community and its partners should ask before implementing the project:
1)What is the real issue that you want to address: food security or student enrollment?
2)Is a school feeding program the best way to reach children?
3)Is it logistically feasible to provide, deliver, and distribute food?
4)Do the communities, schools and partners have the capacity to take on a large number of additional students that a school-feeding program may draw?
5)What is the best strategy: school feeding or take home rations or both?
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School feeding is working at a refugee camp in Ethiopia and is assumed to be a pulling factor for the school children. Additionally, the drop out rates of schoolgirls has decreased significantly after the introduction of the program. Of course, I agree with the fact that its effect is always context specific and may not work in other camps where there is no food shortage and where refugees have access to agriculture or sufficient food supplies.
- Tesfay G. Aregawi, Field Coordinator, International Rescue Committee-Ethiopia
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The purpose of school feeding programs is to intervene or respond to the nutritional needs of the child. However, the effectiveness or success of SFP in increasing enrollment and sustaining attendance will depend on factors related to conditions inside and outside the school, such as:
1. The food habits of the people or ethnic community.
2. The quality or quantity of feeding per child.
3. The methods of distribution in the school (e.g. because of the cultural/religious belief, many Somali girls would feel shy to line up for porridge and feed in an open place. They would prefer secret or distant
place away from the sight of boys. In Daadab refugee camps, where SFP exists, girls in upper primary grades prefer feeding when all boys have had their porridge.
4. The hygiene standards in the school
5. Standards of living in the community.
6. The age and sex of the pupils
7. Regularity of the feeding days. (Regular feeding days will have more impact.)
8. Availability of food at household e.g. (Real lack of food, inadequate food or adequate food)
9. Community participation in the SFP or their attitude towards the program. Does the community support the program? Did they ask for it? Do they encourage their children to feed?
10. Level of information. What does the community know about SFP and its objectives?
11. Literacy levels in the community. Do they understand the general health and nutritional needs of their children?
12. Gender sensitivity .who does the distribution? Female or male teachers? Female or male cooks?
- Ibrahim Hassan Ahmed, Senior program Officer (Education), CARE Refugee Assistance Project
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While school feeding can be of great benefit, and in some cases absolutely essential, the programs I have seen in the field are often ill-designed for sustainable increased enrollment and have not specifically addressed the varying needs of girls and boys. Enrollment will likely fluctuate dramatically depending on the feeding schedule/availability of food unless the cause of food/nutrition shortage is addressed at the community level. Following are some issues I have observed in past feeding programs:
1. Children are made to pay a fee for the food, thus increasing expenses parents must pay for the education of their children... this may result in fewer children attending school because of family size or social status.
2. Food offered not familiar to the community, therefore not being an incentive for enrollment. Food and funds wasted.
3. Family members not involved in preparation of the food; little interaction with the schools at any level that may result in inadequate "buy in" necessary for sustainable increased enrollment. Organizations need to look at the causes of inadequate food supply or time consuming preparation to better gauge responsiveness and effectiveness.
Simultaneously, organizations and community members should create an active awareness campaign of the benefits of girls' education and of basic education in general. School feeding alone will not result in increased sustainable enrollment.
-Rachel McKinney, Education Consultant
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I work for WFP and started School Feeding programs in Sudan and Afghanistan. School feeding does increase enrollment of girls, especially, if there is a take home ration for parents. Thereby subsidizing the work that the girl child would do at home. This incentive of course is only applicable in certain countries. In Afghanistan, girl enrollment increased within 4 months by 34%. However, keep in mind that attendance is more important as is keeping the girls in school after puberty.
- Erika Maclean, Emergency Coordinator Zambia.
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CRS has implemented many school feeding programs around the world. The following is taken from a school feeding study by Cornelia Janke of EDC that CRS commissioned in 2000:
Significant evidence exists to confirm the assertion that appropriately targeted school feeding and take-home ration activities positively affect school enrollment, attendance and dropout rates during the period in which feeding and rations are provided. Provision of a meal or take home ration provides either an incentive (feeding) or a reward (take home ration) for enrollment and attendance. In both cases, food assistance provides an income transfer to families who face high opportunity costs for sending children to
school. Because income transfer is key to school feeding and take-home ration activities' ability to raise enrollment and attendance, planners should ensure that ration size, composition, and delivery frequency are enough to address the opportunity costs of targeted families (Levinger 1986).
Typically, enrollment and attendance rates jump significantly at the inception of a school-feeding activity, then level off at a higher sustained rate than pre-inception levels. There is also evidence to suggest that drop out rates decline, although changes in drop-out rates are not as dramatic as changes in attendance, since some causes of school dropout may not be mitigated by food incentives or rewards. It is important to note that in general, school feeding and take-home activities attract children to school, not because of the education they receive there, but instead because of the food incentive associated with attendance. Unfortunately, school enrollment and attendance rates may reverse once school feeding or ration programs are discontinued (Levinger, 1986). Planners should therefore be aware that a) improvements in enrollment and attendance may not necessarily result in concomitant improvements in learning outcomes, since these are subject to a number of variables that are not influenced by improved attendance alone,
and b) all enrollment and attendance gains achieved through school feeding or rations may not be sustainable unless food assistance is accompanied by other long-term strategies designed to address the underlying causes of low enrollment and attendance, such as poverty, school quality and parental
perceptions of education. The temporary nature of school feeding programs underscores the importance of strong, community involvement and support for the education improvements promoted by food. Otherwise, the momentum generated by such programs will not be maximized. In fact, the injection of
a highly valued commodity such as food provides a ready entrance into communities, which can, over time, evolve into greater community involvement in all aspects of an education program.
- Michael Pozniak, Education Technical Advisor, Catholic Relief Services
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In rural Rwanda, deprived regions where young people have to work to subsidize the domestic income, or have to work in order raise funds for school materials or school dues, the school feeding is a welcome
alternative. Many residential secondary schools in Rwanda after 1994 genocide war were given food and orphans were to study freely. The experience shows that the intake was relatively high in the low-income
groups and disadvantaged groups like orphans and girls.
- Evariste Karangwa
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Yes, we've seen school feeding provide an increase in enrollment for all Children including girls. At these times when food rations are being cut across Africa, school feeding provides a short term answer to some of the pressing nutritional concerns faced by children in conflict and post-conflict settings. Questions regarding sustainability always come into play, and in situations where school feeding is introduced it seems imperative to begin the essential work of mobilizing community and parents to become involved. School gardens and community participation may be one avenue to explore further in ensuring that all children are receiving necessary nutrients even after external support is withdrawn. School feeding may provide a short term answer but there is the potential to use this tool as a catalyst that addresses long term
solutions.
-Dean Brooks, UNHCR Education Consultant, Nairobi, Kenya
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According to our experience, the school feeding initiative has worked relatively well in Nicaragua. The Ministry of Education is carrying out this program, PINE (Integral Nutrition Scholar Program), in collaboration with WFP. In the schools where this program is implemented, the assistance rate
is generally higher than non-targeted schools. The school feeding provides incentives for parents to send their children to school. It has been observed that when the alimentation does not arrive, some parents will also stop sending their children to school.
Another similar program is the Glass of Milk program, which also has as an objective to maintain children in school and provide nutrition to induce physical growth. For your information, gender disparities relative to school enrollment are not considered an issue in the sense that girls actually have
higher enrollment rates.
- Anyoli Sanabria, Assistant Project Officer Education and Citizenship, UNICEF Nicaragua
Question 4: Is a Teacher Code of Conduct necessary in emergency situations?
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Yes, we think a code of conduct is necessary. We introduced it in early 2002, shortly after we began as implementing partner for UNHCR here. The code has gone through a few drafts and was developed with the help of the JRS education officer here along with principals and others from the Osire Primary School and from the Osire Junior Secondary School. It sets standards and gives minimal expectations. This is helpful to all -teachers, principals, JRS staff, etc. In our experience there are only benefits to having a code of conduct. We have not experienced any pitfalls. We require teachers and school staff to sign it at the same time as they begin work. (The JRS-Namibia Code of Conduct found on web site: http://www.ineesite.org/edstruc/codes.asp)
Sister Joanne Whitaker, Ph.D., Country Director, JRS-Namibia
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Here is a draft Code of Conduct that we have produced in cooperation with local stakeholders in teacher licencising and best practices in Kosovo. We believe this type of document is very useful in an
after-conflict situation, but in the sense of an emergency situation, it will be difficult for teachers, specially those who are replacing teachers, to conform to a certain code of conduct when they are just
learning the profession or dealing with the immediate after effects of conflict. Most likely teachers are volunteering their time at this point, and to place too many restrictions might jeopardize their involvement. If a previous Code of Conduct is in place, then it might be assumed that new
and existing teachers would carry on with such a code, however, usually in places where there is conflict, there is little structure or policy (such as this) in place. http://www.ineesite.org/edstruc/codes.asp
-Robert Mizzi, UN Mission in Kosovo
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3. In the few "Education in Emergency" situations that I have come across, this question is really relevant. Is the teacher code of conduct necessary? I would say YES. Reasons? Just imagine these situations.
Imagine a situation where you have 75% of the personnel that you have to rely on as teachers not having the requisite training that prepares them for the job. A good number of the teachers are High school graduates or with a qualification less than that. Will they be aware of the moral ethic of not taking advantage' of your beneficiaries as a teacher? Imagine situations where all the information that the students depend on is what will be provided by the teacher. Imagine situations where the teacher as
one of the very few people in the community who can rapidly set up an activity that will attract the young and eager. The teacher in the emergency situation, is placed in a situation of power and influence that
can be guided positively. In the situations shown above, it will be necessary and beneficial to train the teachers in all aspects of their job. The use of a code of conduct is one of the many ways that can bring
people's responsibilities to a higher level of consciousness within a short time.
The IRC refugee education program in Sierra Leone has co-opted the code of conduct that has been adopted by the IRC Sierra Leone Program and have used it for the teachers that are working in the refugee program. This Code of Conduct has been developed as an agency tool so it is like many of
the rules, top-bottom driven (see http://www.ineesite.org/edstruc/codes.asp). In trying to facilitate its
usefulness and also facilitate its acceptance, we include the issues of responsibility and gender sensitivity as part of all training sessions that we organize for the teachers. We have given a copy of this code of
conduct to each "refugee teacher' to sign off on and we keep copies posted on staff boards. These measures that we have taken have helped to heighten the understanding of their responsibilities as teachers and will hopefully help to reduce the amounts of "misuse of power" in the classrooms/schools
and contribute to making the school a much more friendlier space for the students.
-David A. Walker, Education Coordinator, IRC-Sierra Leone
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I do not think that a Code of Conduct is necessary. I would prefer some guidelines that leave more space of differences between a place and another. Not all emergency situations are similar. Here in Uganda we are trying to coordinate with other agencies (NRC,IRC..) and to prepare a training curricula for emergency situations together with local partners (tutors, teachers) who can give the best support for it.
- Lucia Castelli, AVSI
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I think
1) Yes, a Code of Conduct for teachers seems like a good thing.
2) If a Code of Conduct is developed for teachers, one would also want one for the school leaders; the teachers' models and superiors. (When road signs were introduced for the first time in Tirana, Albania during the summer of 1999, vehicles belonging to national authorities and international organisations were given exemption. Guess how many Albanian car drivers who followed the new rules?)
- Ellen Lange, Norwegian Ministry of Education
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It is not necessary to make a code of conduct, in the context of UNHCR emergency situation, a code of conduct may not help since the situation requires immediate assistance to refugees with whatever human
resource available. Immediate training and discipline to be followed during emergency would be the necessary prerequisites I would recommend.
-Michael Chanda, UNHCR-Zambia
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An international code of conduct is necessary if a sufficient number and diversity of countries, and of teachers' organizations, cry out that it is necessary. If they don't, it isn't. There are plenty of codes of
conduct no one observes; why add one more, unless there is real demand. To guess that demand from where I sit, would be hubris on my part. Ideally, if there is a demand, such a code should be developed jointly by governments, teachers' organizations, and appropriate UN bodies. Additionally, there are two international normative instruments setting forth the rights and responsibilities of teachers, and guidelines for their conduct. Maybe a provision or two from these could help in emergency situations right now.;
The ILO, meanwhile, has developed an excellent Code of Practice for dealing with HIV/AIDS in the workplace. Take a look at it if you're after a model.
To come back to your question, which I can only answer with reference to the UN, with is an IGO. Codes of conduct, conventions, recommendations, etc., are always and only needed if there is a clear-cut international demand for them - viz, if a critical mass of countries from all regions of the world are crying out for some international neutral minimal standards that can be adapted into national laws and practice. Where there is clear-cut demand for something strong that nearly everyone agrees requires
such a framework, the result is often a Convention - as for Human Rights, Discrimination in Education, the Rights of the child, etc. Where there is less global consensus, but still significant consensus, the result is often a Recommendation, which is not legally binding and has no signatories, but is a useful framework for discourse and action. Where the world's largest professional group - teachers - are in emergency
situations for which there are few if any national or international precedents, a code of conduct may be necessary, IF a sufficient number and variety of governments think that there is and if a significant number of the world's 60 million teachers think that there is. (The UN is a demand-driven entity, and there are occasions when a sufficient number and diversity of governments want it to rise to become greater than the sum of its parts; that yardstick defines the difference between perceptions of UN
instruments, when they come intro being, as welcome guidelines or as peremptory interference). The latter dynamic is what gave birth to the three instruments whose addresses I'm attaching.
Please see:
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001260/126086e.pdf
http://www.unesco.org/education/information/nfsunesco/pdf/TEACHE_E.PDF
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0011/001132/113234mb.pdf
Regarding the cons of such a Code of practice, that would depend upon how viable the text is, and how far of the mark of being universal it really is, which is a the challenge for all such instruments. For example, we have the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but how universal is it actually? Do all 6 billion people, even if they knew its contents, agree with its universality? You can work backwards from this yardstick - I'm choosing the best such UN instrument - to a discussion of the cons of everything else.
The fundamental question is your first question: is it necessary? If it's necessary, and it's written by human beings, there will always be cons to the text and to its results.
-Richard Halperin, Chief, Section for Teacher Education, Division of Higher Education, UNESCO
Question 5:
Shortages of books and supplies are common in the emergency or refugee classroom. How many students should share one textbook?
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I think three children could share a book. More than that would not be practical.
JRS-Meheba
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Having worked in basic conditions during emergency situations and understanding the realities of limited resources, 5 textbooks per student should be sufficient. In emergencies, teachers will create methods to
teach students without having to rely on textbooks solely. In situations where the textbook is needed, teachers can divide the class into groups: one uses the text while the other does related activities and vice versa. In this situation, 2-3 students per text is more than adequate.
Kimberly Parekh
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I suggest that 1 textbook should be shared by every 3 students( 1:3).For stable situations, the ratio may reduce to 1:2.
When deciding on the textbook-student ratio, we may need to be specific and indicate what the ratio will be for core subjects and other optional subjects. For example, in Daadab refugees camps ( Kenya), where I work, there are about 25,000 refugee learners enrolled in basic primary education. The textbook-student ratio is 1:3 for core subjects like English, Swahili, mathematics, and science. Some of the optional subjects taught in Daadab refugee schools include, Environmental education , Peace education, Health education and Environmental sanitation might have fewer books per student.
As regards supplies, I think that each student should have one pack containing 1 exercise book, 1 eraser and 1 pencil/pen.
Ibrahim Hassan Ahmed, CARE (Kenya) , Refugee Assistance project
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Shortages of books and supplies are common in the emergency or refugee classroom. How many students should share one textbook?
This question is often a vexing one because many people do not distinguish being sharing (which implies AT THE SAME TIME) and using (which could mean sharing but could also cover the situation of different classes or shifts utilizing the same texts. [i.e. they are distributed only for a class session not to particular students].
If we assume sharing (as in using at the same time) then I cannot work out how you can manage on more than 3:1 (pupils to text). The middle child holds the book and a person looks on from each side. In Africa, the seats are often made to sit three although with overcrowding it could be five children (especially in the lower grades - smaller bottoms). Then the practice becomes 5:1 re texts as it is one per row.
It is not actually physically possible for more then three children to see the text at the same time so that when the ratio is higher than 3:1 we should be looking at resource centres/libraries to ensure access to text
books from children who need to do more than just 'read along' or those who just need to see it.
Too often textbooks are kept locked away (except for the one the teacher uses) because there are not enough for a reasonable ratio. This is of course a problem of monitoring but the underlying cause is a valid one. Note: Given the difficulties of class management by poorly trained or untrained teachers, to create a situation that will, almost by definition, create class management problems (like crowding five children together to look at one book) is irresponsible.
Pam Baxter, UNESCO/UNHCR
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Textbook sharing should be considered in terms of whether it is to be used at the same time or alternately. If it is to be used at the same time, then a good ratio would be 1:3 - the textbook is placed at the centre (middle pupil) of the desk. At worst it should be 1:5 with similar arrangement. What matters most is vision and cooperation in such a situation. The best standard even in stable conditions is 1:2.
If the textbook is to be used alternately within a day then 1:8 can work with each pupil having 30 minutes of access where the school operates for half day. My general view is that the sharing should be based on whether the textbook is for private study, exercises or classroom use.
Gabriel Mwema Waithaka, Kakuma Refugee Assistance Program.
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It seems from reading the responses already elicited that many think that there can be a blanket ratio of pupils and textbooks.
These are some issues that may influence the ratio:
- The frequency of subject in the curriculum e.g. where a subject may be taught very often e.g. a first language is often taught every day and not more than 3 pupils should be sharing a textbook. generally more academic subjects demand fewer pupils sharing textbooks.
- A subject that is more practically orientated may require fewer textbooks as groups of 5 may use one if the textbook is used to stimulate and guide activities.
The issue of textbooks in emergencies can be divided into:
1. issues relating to the actual use of the textbooks by the pupils
2. how teachers can be guided to use textbooks optimally ( perhaps on a rotation basis in the same class if different parts of the class are doing different activities at the same time e.g. a class can be divided into four groups each with a specific task and only one or two groups may needs textbooks)
3. How emergency managers assess the quantity of textbooks required, how they are acquired, housed when not being used, and rotated in use as well as how certain texts may be acquired specifically because they can be used for more than one level of pupil.
Perhaps if we kept these issues separate for discussion, we may elicit more specific responses.
Prean Naidoo, University of Bristol
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I am aware that training teachers (and affecting classroom practice) in the context of emergencies poses some constraints, but it might be worthwhile to consider that some reform curricula and studies of how children learn best, put the focus on inquiry and project based learning (instead on reading in textbooks) - and this across the curriculum. Just a backdrop to this discussion.
H. Julia Eksner, Northwestern University
Question 6: In crisis settings, should the teachers commit themselves to deliver quality teaching if they are given little or no financial support?
Reflected in the responses is the general theme of the need for increased teacher recognition. Noting that teachers must be remunerated for their work, some colleagues raised questions about whether pay should be based on qualifications and/or amount of experience. An interesting and pertinent question was also raised about why teachers are not sometimes remunerated as other aid workers. Finally, all the responders agreed that teachers should receive something, incentives or pay, and that this would improve their personal situations and, therefore, increase their motivation.
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Response 1:
Teachers in crisis settings are also in crisis. Whatever affects their students affect them too. With all uncertainity and hopelessness that surround them, having a salary, may be the only thing to look forward to - a motivation for them to even devote more of their time and energy to teaching. Besides, most workers in times of crisis are paid, (sometimes handsomely), why not those in the teaching profession?
I suggest that teachers receive a salary and that a system of accountability is put in place to ensure that the teachers devote time to their students.
I'm not sure though what criteria to use to determine what should be paid. Would they be paid an equivalent to what other teachers receive in the country? According to hours worked? According to their qualifications? Or, according to available resources? For how long will the resources last? I look forward to read from everyone else!
Gillian Kasirye
Teachers College, Columbia University
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Response 2:
Hi all,
I think that the issue of teacher pay is inextricably linked with the issue of teacher recognition.
In emergency situations, there is often a dearth of funds. It is imperative that lobbying for funds to pay teachers happens from the onset of the emergency/ setting up of temporary refugee settlements. Teachers ought to be paid a salary that they would be under politically stable/ peacetime education delivery in their country of origin.
Teachers pay structures can be related to their qualifications but the reality is that in emergency contexts, some teachers may not have any formal teaching qualifications but are delivering education provision. The contentious question is whether all teachers need to be paid a flat rate for doing the same job or ought there to be a sliding scale based on qualifications. Opportunity must be afforded to teachers to acquire qualifications during the emergency education provision. Such qualifications must enable professional mobility in a post emergency context.
In saying that, teachers, by nature have generally entered into the profession through a vocational calling rather than the expectation of financial gain. While this aspect of the teacher character ought not to be exploited, in the absence of financial resources, the only option is to explore other forms of gain for teachers.
While there are inherent ethical and practical problems with "payment in kind" the reality is that it must be explored in the absence of other forms of payment.
Warm regards.
Prean Naidoo
Graduate School of Education
University of Bristol
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Response 3:
During a crisis situation some of the teachers hired are from amongst the affected community. The reason for hiring teachers from amongst the affected community is not only to have people who have a better understandig about the learners' social and cultural background, but is also to give opportunities to these individuals to earn a decent livelihood. Expecting teachers to commit themselves to deliver quality education with little or no financial support will not be fair. The salaries paid to teachers should be adequate for them to support their families at a level equivalent to the average living standard of the community.
Shakir Ishaq
Chief Executive
BEFARE
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Response 4:
Teachers should be given incentives or a little pay, so that they may be more enthusiastic and uplift their morale. Where there is no pay, only teachers who really understand that teaching is a noble profession or call will be ready to teach, and this is probably a very small percentage.
Thank you
Susan, Africaed
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Response 5:
Teachers are professionals who invested time and money in their training. They have a right to have expectations of remuneration. There have been instances in a number of instances where teachers organized learning opportunities, followed the syllabi of their natal communities for children in emergencies, and taught them right up to the exit test levels i.e. Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Burundi, Liberia. They taught selflessly whether they were paid or not initially.
Teachers are entitled to pay as soon as salaries can be instituted.
Gloria L. Alibaruho, PH.D
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Response 6:
Dear All,
I can see from my place in Kitgum Northern Uganda were most of the people are displaced in camps, in a class there is about 150 pupils per teacher. With these kind of situation we find that the performance of the pupils is very poor, the teachers first have to go in their garden /deg. Without them doing any plantation and because of no payment their family will end up in starvation, this is mostly the case in rural areas.
I do believe that to make the teachers do better and take their time in the class with pupil, they should get some payment for the up-keep of their family. If without any payment, the pupils will end up by paying their teacher with heavy work in gardens, of which at the end the performance of the pupils will be very poor.
They should be paid.
Thanks
Obonyo Tom Fred
RESPECT coordinator
Northern Uganda
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Response 7:
During the emergency response, incentives for teachers are a requirement rather than salaries for the teachers. The effort should be made to make normal the situation of education to the victims.
MS Udaya Laxmi Pradhanang
Education Team Leader
Save The Children US
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Response 8:
Previously, teachers have been working during conflict with out any incentives or salary so I am quite sure that if they are well paid they can do excellent teaching. This particular system of teaching can enable and empower them to execute better teaching skills.
Alex Patrick Columbus
National coordinator
Peace Pals Education Network
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The Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE) serves a unique purpose in reaching out to education practitioners around the world, who are working in situations of emergencies and crisis. The INEE Network Coordinator moderates the list-serve, requests information, and compiles responses as required. It does not necessarily reflect the views of the INEE. If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post this message please retain this disclaimer. Quotations or extracts should include attribution to the original sources. The Network Coordinator may be reached at coordinator@ineesite.org. INEE also has a web-site (http://ineesite.org) with a wide-range of Good Practice Guides for Education in emergencies.
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